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STORY   OF   THE   SINO-JAPANESE   WAR       357
It was under such "emergency laws" against "crimes endangering the safety of the state" that the Fuh Tan students were legally arrested in the following month. In my History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (University of Chicago Press), I was compelled to write in 1936 in the chapter on "Censorship":
The exercise of censorship implies that the government thinks it is able to carry on the national responsibilities without "interference" from the press or the people, and when such a government is actually marching from victory to victory either in military or diplomatic battles, the people do not mind keeping their mouths shut; but on the other hand, when the press is muzzled at a time when the government is daily losing bits of territory that belong to the entire nation and the people are not allowed to speak out, the only natural consequence, if censorship is prolonged over a long period, is that the people are overcome by a feeling of general cynicism and despondency. The invariable plea of the rulers is that the people should maintain "calm" (chentsing) in moments of national crisis, which is true enough in the oriental tradition, but when this beautiful "calm" is kept up too long, in which the people feel they cannot do a thing or say a thing to help their country, it is no longer distinguishable from cynical indifference.
Again:
I can never sufficiently stress the fact that it is a lie to say that the Chinese people of to-day are the Chinese people of thirty years ago, and that they are really "indifferent" to their national welfare, simply because one sees no visible sign of people's activities either in the press, or in public demonstrations against daily encroachments of their territory.
The fact was, any less "strong" government than Chiang Kaishek's could not have suppressed the people's anti-Japanese activities and feelings to this extent and survived or remained ia power, and it was a miracle that, with the army of insolent